Sumonu Oladele Giwa: Dele Giwa
Dele Giwa
and fellow journalists Ray Ekpu, Dan Agbese and Yakubu Mohammed founded
Newswatch in 1984, and the first edition was distributed on 28 January 1985. A
1989 description of the magazine said it changed the format of print journalism
in Nigeria and introduced bold, investigative formats to news reporting in
Nigeria.
However, in the first few months of the
administration of General Ibrahim Babangida, who took power in August 1985, the
magazine was shamelessly flattering. It printed his face on the cover four
times and even criticized “anyone who attempted to make life unpleasant for
Babangida”. Later, the paper took a more hostile view of the Babangida regime.
Dele Giwa
married an American nurse in 1974. His second marriage, to Florence Ita Giwa,
lasted 10 months. He later married Olufunmilayo Olaniyan on 10 July 1984, and
they were married until his death in 1986. Dele Giwa was killed by a mail bomb
in his Lagos home on 19 October 1986. The assassination occurred two days after
he had been interviewed by State Security Service (SSS) officials. In an
off-the-record interview with airport journalists, Lt. Col. A.K Togun, the
Deputy Director of the State Security Service (SSS) had claimed that on 9
October Dele Giwa and Alex Ibru had organised a media parley for media
executives and the newly created State Security Service (SSS). Togun claimed
that it was at this meeting that the State Security Service (SSS) and the media executives reached a secret
censorship agreement. Under this agreement, the media was to report any story with
potential to embarrass the government to the State Security Service (SSS)
before they tried to publish same.
Giwa had
been invited by the State Security Service (SSS) to their headquarters for the
first time on 19 September 1986 after writing an article in which he described
the newly introduced Second-Tier Foreign Exchange Market (SFEM) as “God’s
experiment” and suggested that if SFEM failed, the people will stone their
leaders in the streets. Giwa was interviewed and his statement taken by two State
Security Service (SSS) operatives. He
was later taken to meet with Lt Col Togun, the deputy director of the agency in
his office. Togun is reported to have told Giwa that he found nothing offensive
in the story as Giwa had also stated in the same story that he was hopeful that
Babangida seemed determined to make SFEM work.
According
to Giwa’s neighbour and colleague, Ray Ekpu, on 16 October 1986, Giwa had been
questioned over the telephone by Col Akilu of the Directorate of Military
Intelligence (DMI) over an allegation that Dele had been heard speaking to some
people about arms importation. State Security Service (SSS) officials reportedly summoned Giwa to their
headquarters again on 16 October 1986, and on the next day Ekpu accompanied him
to the State Security Service (SSS) headquarters for the interview. Lt. Col Togun
accused Giwa and Newswatch of planning to write the “other side” of the story
on Ebitu Ukiwe who was removed as Chief of the General staff, to General
Babangida. The magazine had published a cover story titled, “Power Games: Ukiwe
loses out”, in its edition of 20 October which was on sale on 13 October 1986.
Togun also accused Giwa of planning to import arms into the country and of
claiming to have promised that Newswatch would employ the suspended police
public relations officer Alozie Ogugbuaja.
Ogugbuaja
claims that on 16 October 1986, a bomb was defused by the police bomb squad at
his official residence in GRA, Ikeja, Lagos. Ogugbuaja also said that he
suspected that his phone might have been bugged because Giwa and Ray Ekpu in
one of their telephone conversations with him had indeed promised to employ him
in Newswatch if the police dismissed him. Ray Ekpu also believed that their
houses and phones may have been bugged because he did discuss employing
Ogugbuaja in Newswatch with dele Giwa over the phone only; he said that he
found two bugging devices in the cover of two books inside his study. Lt. Col.
Togun while questioning Giwa had claimed that he wasn’t aware of the fact that
Akilu had already questioned Giwa over the gun running allegations the day before;
this was after Giwa had brought it to his attention.
Giwa
reported the interrogations to his friend Prince Tony Momoh who was then the
Minister of Communications, Giwa had told Momoh that he feared for his life
because of the weight of the accusations levelled against him. According to
Ekpu, Momoh “dismissed it as a joke and said the security men just wanted to
rattle him”; Momoh promised to look into the matter. On 18 October Giwa also
spoke to Admiral Augustus Aikhomu, the Chief of General Staff who said he was
familiar with the matter and also promised to look into it. Later on 18
October, a day before the bombing, a staff of the DMI had phoned Giwa’s house
and asked for his office phone number from his wife Funmi. This same person
from the DMI later called back to say he couldn’t reach Giwa at the office and
then put Col Akilu on the line. Ekpu alleges that Akilu asked Giwa’s wife for
driving directions to the house and when she asked him why he needed the
directions he explained that he wanted to stop by the house on his way to Kano
and he wasn’t very familiar with Ikeja, he also offered that the President’s
ADC had something for Giwa, probably an invitation. According to Ekpu this
didn’t come as a surprise because Giwa had received advance copies of some of
the President’s speeches in the past through Akilu.
On 19
October, Giwa phoned Akilu to ask why he had been calling his house the
previous day, Akilu was alleged to have explained that he only wanted to tell
Giwa that the matter had been resolved. Ekpu says Giwa replied Akilu that it
wasn’t over and that he had already informed his lawyer, Chief Gani Fawehinmi
to follow up on the matter. Akilu then told Giwa that there was no need for
that, that it wasn’t a matter for lawyers and that he should consider the
matter resolved. About 40 minutes after the telephone conversation with Akilu,
a package was delivered to Giwa’s guard (the accounts of which vehicle was used
to deliver the package vary). When Giwa received the package, he was with
Kayode Soyinka the London Bureau Chief of Newswatch. The package exploded,
mortally wounded Giwa and temporarily deafening Soyinka, who had excused
himself to the rest room shortly before Giwa was supposed to have attempted
opening the package. Giwa was rushed to the hospital where he eventually died
from his wounds.
On 20th
of October, the day after the bombing, the government convened a press
conference presided over by Augustus Aikhomu. Before the press conference
started, all press photographers, foreign journalists, and Nigerians that
worked for foreign news media were ordered out. Those left behind were told
that the briefing was “off the record” and Aikhomu would not be entertaining
any questions. Aikhomu
then went on to ask Ismaila Gwarzo, the Director of the State Security Service (SSS)
and Haliru Akilu to render their
accounts of what had transpired between Dele Giwa and their agencies in the
recent past. Gwarzo confirmed that the State Security Service (SSS) had invited Giwa for questioning over
allegations of gun running. Akilu on his part confirmed that he had called
Giwa’s home on 18 October to ask for directions to the house so he could stop
over to see Giwa while on his way to Kano through Ikeja airport. Akilu also
said that he had wanted to visit Giwa at home to “prove a Hausa adage that if
you visit someone in his house, you show him you are really a friend.” Ekpu
claimed that he remembered Gwarzo saying that the killing was “quite
embarrassing” and also that Tony Momoh had described it as “a clear case of
assassination”; later he was quoted saying, “a special probe would serve no
useful purpose”. Graffiti of the time implied a belief that the State Security
Service (SSS) had been responsible.
In a
newspaper interview years later in retirement, Chris Omeben who at the time was
the Deputy Inspector General of Police (DIG) in charge of the Federal
Investigation and Intelligence Bureau (FIIB) at Alagbon, on his part recalled
that he was the second officer to have handled the case file after he had taken
it over from his predecessor at the FIIB, Victor Pam. Omeben explained that he
had done what any competent investigator would have done in unravelling the
circumstances surrounding the death of Dele Giwa. He went on to say that he had
examined the crime scene and found it suspicious that the toilet adjacent to the
blast site which Kayode Soyinka alleged he was occupying when the explosion
occurred had also suffered damage from the blast but Soyinka was left
unscathed. Omeben described the force of the explosion to have been strong
enough to blow out the steel bars over the toilet window (burglary protection),
which in his own assessment made Soyinka’s story less convincing. Omeben also
claims he requested to interview Dan Agbese, Ray Ekpu and Kayode Soyinka. Of
the three, only Agbese turned up, he was later to find out that Soyinka had
fled the country. However, Soyinka has come out to reply Omeben and accused him
of spreading deliberate falsehood with his comments on him on his involvement
with the parcel bomb incident. In an interview he granted The Nation newspaper
of Lagos of Saturday, 19 January 2013, Soyinka strongly denied that he ran to
the toilet when the bomb exploded. He said he did not know where Omeben got
that false information from. When questioned, Soyinka requested to not be
required to relive the experience again.
Omeben
also alleged that he was being pressured into naming Babangida and Akilu as
suspects when he yet had no evidence linking them to the crime. Some of this
pressure led to the formation of a special squad to investigate the case, the squad
was headed by Assistant Commissioner of Police Abubakar Tsav. Omeben alleges
that the then Inspector General of Police Gambo Jimeta has asked him to leave
the case with the Tsav team out of anger at how messy the whole situation was
getting. Omeben also spoke about certain
“fixations” in the minds of the general public about the case, in his own words
“…There is the tendency for people to make up their minds as to what they want
to see or hear. It may not necessarily be the truth and once they are so
fixated, every other thing that somebody else would say would not mean anything
to them. Dele Giwa’s case suffered such a fixation”.
In
testimony that he gave on 3 July 2001 before the Justice Oputa led Human Rights
Violations Investigations Commission (HRVIC), Tsav alleged that the government
stonewalled his investigation into the assassination. Tsav claimed that he was
not granted permission to question key actors involved, including Tunde Togun,
Ismaila Gwarzo and Haliru Akilu. He also said that he had requested that the
privileges of these officers be withdrawn so he could take their statements and
conduct a search of their offices and residences for items of evidential value
but this request was denied. Tsav averred that in his final report, he had concluded
that there was enough circumstantial evidence to accuse the duo of Togun and
Akilu of conspiracy to murder but still the government did not make these two
officers available for interrogation or voice identification as he had
requested. Tsav claims that he handed the case file back to Chris Omeben. Tsav
alleged that none of his recommendations were implemented, the case file was
never returned to him and that there was no evidence that the case was
transferred to another officer or agency. Tsav said he believed Giwa was killed
because he believed Giwa was in “the way of some powerful forces”.
After the
investigation stalled, various conspiracy theories arose to explain why Giwa
was killed. One of the most popular and still the most enduring has been the
Gloria Okon connection. Gloria Okon was a Lady who was arrested in 1985 by the
National Security Organization (NSO) at the Aminu Kano International airport on
suspicion of drug smuggling. Soon after, the National Security Organization
(NSO) alleged that she had died in custody, the government subsequently
constituted a commission of inquiry to investigate the matter.
Conspiracy
theorists allege that Gloria Okon was a drug mule working for the wife of
General Ibrahim Babangida who was then the Minister of Defence in the regime of
General Muhammadu Buhari. The theorists allege that during interrogation by the
National Security Organization (NSO), Okon had claimed that she worked for
highly placed Nigerians, in particular Babangida’s wife. The theory goes on
that Babangida spirited Okon out of detention to the United Kingdom, sold the
public the ruse of a dead Gloria Okon and that Dele Giwa happened upon Okon on
a trip to the UK where she told him her story. The story goes on that armed
with this information, Giwa tried to blackmail the now Military President,
Ibrahim Babangida and this was why he was killed. This blackmail theory might
not be unconnected with the off-the-record interview that Lt Col A.K Togun gave
to airport correspondents of the Guardian on 27 October 1986. In the interview,
when asked about Dele Giwa’s killing and the suspicion in the public that he
was killed by the government, Togun was quoted as saying “…one person cannot
come out to blackmail us. I am an expert in blackmail. I can blackmail very
well. I studied propaganda so no one person can come and blackmail us after an
agreement”. Togun’s statement was in the context of the secret agreement
reached by Giwa and other media executives at the 9 October meeting, he seemed
to accuse Giwa of reneging on the agreement leading to Giwa being invited for
questioning on 16 October. Theorists also allege that Babangida’s drug running
activities were brought to the attention of the Buhari-Idiagbon regime which
led the regime to slate him for retirement on 1 October 1985. They also say
that it was his impending retirement that inspired him to plan the coup that
toppled Buhari in August 1985.
Mr. Soyinka is also alleged to have given
conflicting accounts of the events to the Police and media outlets; he is also
accused of fleeing the country while investigations were ongoing. To the
accusation of fleeing the country, Soyinka has this to say in that his
interview with The Nation (Saturday, 19 January 2013): “Dele was very close to
his mother. He did not joke with her at all. It was an honour for me to have
met her. The last time I saw her was at Dele’s burial in their village near
Auchi, in Edo State. I was there live with my wife contrary to the erroneous
story of Babangida’s government’s mischief makers who tried to deceive the
Nigerian people in order to exonerate the government from the assassination of
Dele Giwa, saying that I had fled the country. They deliberately spread all
kinds of falsehood, ignoring even newspaper reports and pictures of myself and
my wife in attendance at the burial. And mind you, how could I have fled the
country? My wife and children were not in Nigeria with me when the bomb exploded;
they had to take the next available flight to Nigeria to join me. Yet,
Babangida’s men said I fled the country. And my family and I remained in the
country throughout the whole period of the controversy and burial arrangement.
We returned to London together through the former British Caledonian Airways,
through Muritala Mohammed Airport. There was no way we could have left quietly.
We were accompanied to and seen off at the airport by friends, including the
Newswatch editors, and family. The airline people recognised us. Our two
children were still small then. The air hostesses took them from us, played
with them, and they were asking me if I was feeling better knowing the trauma
one must have been through in the past weeks, and took us straight and right
inside the aircraft, even before checking in other passengers. Yet the
Babangida men kept saying, even till today, that I fled the country. Can you
imagine?”
Giwa’s
lawyer was also accused of prematurely accusing the government of Dele Giwa’s
murder thereby truncating the investigation into the case; Newswatch Magazine
in an edition of 5 November 1986 disowned Fawehimni. The subsequent court cases
instituted by Fawehinmi against the government to enable him try the case as a
private prosecutor after the Director of Public Prosecution, Mrs. Eniola
Fadayomi had refused to prosecute based on the evidence available were mostly
unsuccessful. An excerpt of the Judgement by the then Lagos State Chief Judge,
Justice Candido Johnson reads thus “…Even if one considers the reasonableness
of time, I would say that the incident that gave birth to the death of the late
Dele Giwa is not only unique in its form but also complex and would require
sufficient time to conduct detailed and balanced investigation, a report on
which the appropriate authority would reasonably act. The timing here appears
hasty and premature. It appears impulsive without giving reasonable time and chance
for a detailed and balanced investigation into this sordid incident. In the
circumstances and having regard to the review made above, it is my ruling that
this (ex-parte) application is misconceived and it is therefore dismissed.
Leave to apply for mandamus is hereby refused.”
Fawehinmi
went on to the Supreme Court and got a favourable judgement which enabled him
go back to the Lagos State High Court, this judgement also mandated the Justice
Candido to recuse himself from the case and appoint another judge to hear the
case. On 23 February 1988, Justice Longe ruled that the two security officers,
Lt. Col Tunde Togun and Col. Haliru Akilu could not be tried for the murder of
Dele Giwa. In his ruling Justice Longe averred among other things that, the Attorney
general did not oppose the objection raised by counsel to the ‘accused’
persons, Chief Rotimi Williams, on the ground that the information was filed by
private prosecutor (Chief Gani Fawehinmi) when the information had not been
completed and especially when the ‘INFORMATION IMPLICATED ONE OF THE
PROSECUTION WITNESSES' (Kayode Soyinka) the proof of evidence before the Court
was mere HEARSAY. Based on the evidence available before the court, it will be
an abuse of the process of court to call the two security chiefs for trial. The
information is therefore quashed accordingly. Kayode Soyinka was represented in
court by Kayode Sofola SAN, representing the chambers of Kehinde Sofola SAN,
which succeeded to getting the court to rule as frivolous the reference to
Soyinka being “implicated”. The court also ordered that cost be paid Soyinka by
the ‘accused’ persons.
In 2001,
General Ibrahim Babangida refused to testify before a national human rights
commission about the Giwa murder. Babangida, Hakilu and Togun went to court and
obtained an order restraining the commission from summoning them to appear
before it. The Chairman of the commission commented that the commission had the
power to issue arrest warrants for the trio but decided against this “in the
over-all interest of national reconciliation”. In 2008 along with other
activists such as Fela Anikulapo-Kuti and Ken Saro Wiwa, the Government of
Nigeria named a street in the New Federal Capital Abuja after Dele Giwa.
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